In this world there is a yes and no, there is affirmation and negation, the continuing game of presences and absences. That is how simply, how alphabetically and analogously things happen in the one dimensional radio news charmel, as long as there is just a speaker here and just a listener there. The negativity of the visual immediately shifts toward the affirmation of an almost cosmic fiction.

This completely changes if this channel is interrupted by the inst'ltion of recording apparatus that manipulate the analogous flow of information. And this means: when the flow of time, the time axes and the adherent spatial symmetries oE the sound events are intentionally reshuffled. The beEore and after, the simultaneous, the lengths and the cuts become calculable, and this is simulation. Simulatio is an old Roman legal concept: "Simulo" means: I say that something is which is not, or dissimulo: "I conceal", I negate something which is. [1)

Simulation enters the world of media as soon as one has access to machines which are able to calculate sections of reality, information and data, disassemble them into parts and then reassemble them. And not only mentally while quietly reading novels, but for real. Simulation is already created around the turn of the century in film and its sequential picture frames; the simulation effect of film is moderated by the enclosed viewing room: the cinerna, which, like the theatre, seems to uphold the fictional parameters of time and space. But film existed beyond the cinema even then - as an industrial and psychological medium from which Sigmund Freud's Psychoanalysis will draw the patterns of dream interpretation, and Frederick Winslow Taylor will derive his "time and motion studies" for the introduction of industrial assembly line production.[2][3]

However entertainment broadcasting long remained an analogue fiction because it had to represent a strategic disposition of military command flows, which to interrupt, to manipulate and thereby thematize was almost equal to a Bolshevistic act of sabotage.[4]

Between March and May of 1933, Goebbels placed radio, the one dimensional cosmogenic medium which allows guilt, fear and cosmogenic affects to become fictional because of its linearity, remorselessly at the service of the simulation of fascist omnipotence. Fascist radio mobilized hundreds of thousands of people, not by chance, as in Orson Welles' radio drama "War of the Worlds" five years later, but rather according to a calculated plan.

After all, at least half of the tirades which allowed the SA men to parade on streets and squares came from wax disks while Orson Welles still acted live in front of his microphone and was completely surprised the following morning to learn how thousands of listeners had run in the streets in panic as the 57 minutes of a fictional invasion by men from Mars were broadcast.

For the technically so complicated Reichsrundfunkfeier (Reich broadcasting celebration) of May 1st, permeated with pre-produced record inserts and faked live takes, Goebbels left nothing to chance. The metaphysical and fictional cloak of invisibility serves Goebbels precisely for this purpose and thus the theatrical fiasco ends just as could be read months earlier in his diary: with the banning of unions and communist arrests on the following day.

The 1st of May, 1933, was a day in German broadcasting as there should never be again in radio history. The height of the phase of radio omnipotence, as I would like to call it, and at the same time, its finish. Just once again, at the beginning of the war, for the initiation of that which the Nazis had been openly and clearly aiming for, fascist media magic had to be set in motion once more. For the surprise attack on Poland, it is known that Goebbels-Hitler staged a simulated attack on the Gleiwitz transmitting station in August of 1939.[5] Two weeks later, General Guderian is steering his commanding tank deep into Polish territory and can proudly proclaim that he is the first commander in charge to command his troops and his panzer divisions directly from the battlefield. [6]

Equipped with the most modern VHF transmitters, he stays in contact with all units, the following infantry, as well as the air cover. VHF is of course not available for entertainment radio, although the very high frequency band had been technically available since the 20's as the already fired Hans Bredow, as well as the sacked Oskar Czeija could have demonstrated in RAVAG's own developmental laboratory.

Radio simulation plays only a minor röle in the final scenario of fascist power, WorId War II itself. What count now are the real lines of communication, - radio is again firmly in military hands and an important tool on all war fronts.

As far as the unwieldy wax record machines were concerned, it sufficed. that they could guaranty the repetition of the occasional Hitler speech. And also served to record sports broadcasts. Just as in Austria, sports broadcasts are recorded live and then run in the studio from wax records as a so-called "Stochersendung" (picker-transmission). Countless well versed technicians are occupied with "picking out" the interesting sections by picking up the tone arm at marked spots and setting it down again milliseconds later at the next marked spot.

And thus it happens that such revolutionary innovations as the introduction of tape recorders in the Reich's broadcasting system in 1941 are also just by-products of the war. In order to send the highly specialized technicians who were crucial for such a "Stochersendung" to the front, the much more user-friendly tape recorder is procured. And thus is created a professional image so weil known to us: the "cutter" on the Kl, T9, MlO, and M15 is a woman. Cutting and fine manipulations of audio material are now best served in women's hands.